History of Andhra Pradesh

Qutb Shahis:
The Qutb Shahi dynasty held sway over the Andhra country for about two hundred years from the early part of the 16th century to the end of the 17th century. Sultan Quli Qutb Shah, the founder of the dynasty, served the Bahmanis faithfully and was appointed governor of Telangana in A.D.1496. He declared independence after the death of his patron king, Mahmud Shah, in A.D.1518. During his 50-year rule, Sultan Quli extended his kingdom upto Machilipatam. He was murdered by his third son, Jamsheed, who succeeded Sultan Quli. Jamsheed reigned for seven years till A.D.1550 but remained maligned by all for his patricidal crime. His youngest brother, Ibrahim, who was hardly thirteen at the time of his father's assassination, fled to Vijayanagar and took refuge there. It afforded him a training ground and he learned the art of administration.

After Jamsheed's death in A.D.1550, Ibrahim returned to Golconda and ascended the throne. Ibrahim Qutb Shah, who was known as Malkibharam in the Andhra country, was the real architect of the Golconda kingdom. He ruled the kingdom for 30 years from A.D.1550 to A.D.1580. He organised the central and provincial governments and brought them into close contact. He also introduced an efficient intelligence service which kept him informed on all affairs. The kingdom was made safe for travel and trade. Ibrahim had also many works of public utility to his credit. He dug lakes and tanks and laid out towns and gardens. He also encouraged local language Telugu and patronised Telugu scholars and poets like, Telaganarya and Gangadhara who dedicated their works to him.
Ibrahim took an active part in the battle of Rakkasi Tangadi in A.D.1565. It immensely benefitted him in cash and territories, and the kingdom was extended to the south as far as Madras and Gandikota.

The next period of forty years led by Ibrahim's son and grandson was an era of peace and prosperity. Muhammad Quli, son of Ibrahim, was a great writer and a builder. The city of Hyderabad was laid in A.D.1591 with magnificent buildings, straight roads and other civic amenities. For this purpose, he invited many Persians to settle down in Hyderabad and Machilipatam. He was a scholar and a poet, composed a large number of poems in the Deccani language. Muhammad Quli was succeeded by his nephew and son-in-law Sultan Muhammad in A.D.1612. He was highly religious and a model of virtue and piety. He followed his uncle in promoting learning and architecture. The great mosque known as Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad was designed and its foundation laid by him, though the main structure of the Mosque was completed during the next four generations.

Sultan Muhammad's premature death in A.D.1626 was a sad prelude to the decline and fall of Golconda. He was succeeded by his minor son, Abdullah Qutb Shah, who was indolent. The fall of Ahmadnagar in A.D.1633 to the Mughals exposed Golconda. Abdullah Qutb Shah acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mughals and concluded a treaty in A.D.1636. He was reduced to vassalage and the Mughal Hajib, a resident officer of the Mughals imposed on him, interfered in day-to-day administration and encouraged fissiparous tendencies. The traitors of Golconda found their strength in the Mughals who did not hesitate to invade Golconda.

Abdullah Qutb Shah died in A.D.1672 and was succeeded by his third son-in-law, Abul Hassan Qutb Shah, popularly known as Tana Shah. He had a steady mind, broader vision and administrative experience of a high order. He handled the domestic and foreign affairs deftly and put forth all his efforts against the Mughal tide.

Abul Hassan and his kingdom were misrepresented by false propaganda to justify the interference of the Mughal emperor who contemplated to liquidate the Deccan Sultanates and incorporate it in the Mughal empire. The emperor came to the Deccan in A.D.1682 and launched his campaign against both the Marathas and the Deccan Sultanates. His original plan was to put down the Maratha power, but later on, he suspended the plan and directed his forces against Bijapur and Golconda in A.D.1685. Bijapur fell in after two months' siege. But Golconda held out for a long time. It came to an abrupt end owing to the treachery of an Afghan general, Abdullah Khan, who opened the gate in the dead of night and facilitated the capture of the fort. The equanimity with which Abul Hassan Tana Shah had faced the Mughal captors and the unequalled loyalty of Abdul Razak Lari, who remained faithful to his king, Tana Shah, are of special significance.

The fall of Golconda in A.D.1687 had far reaching consequences. It halted the face of cultural progress for years and relaxed the administrative grip on the English Company at Masulipatam and Madras. So long as the kingdom was powerful in the south, the king Abul Hassan and his Minister, Madanna, kept their constant vigil on the English merchants.

Qutb Shahi rulers adopted religious tolerance. They treated Hindus equal with Muslims as well and maintained cordial relations between the two throughout. They encouraged the local language Telugu besides the Deccani Urdu. They patronised scholars and awarded them titles and Jagirs. The builder of Hyderabad, Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah was an eminent poet in Persian and was an author of several Persian works. The fourth king, Ibrahim was a great patron of Telugu. His court was crowded with Telugu poets besides many others. The rulers adopted the local customs to a great extent. This tolerance and patronage of the kings were followed by the nobles as well. Ramadas (Goppanna), a great devotee of Sri Rama who lived in the period of Abul Hassan, wrote a number of poetical works and songs in praise of his deity.

The Deccani architecture, is a combination of Persian, Hindu and Pathan styles. They mostly borrowed heavily from Hindu style of architecture. The Bala Hissar gate of the Golconda fort is remarkable for the figures and emblems of Hindu mythology.

The citadel of Hyderabad, the Charminar is the most remarkable of all the Qutb Shahi monuments. It is one of the magnificent structures in India.

The socio-cultural life of the people during the rule of the Qutb Shahis was marked by a spirit of broad-mindedness and catholicity based on sharing and adopting of mutual traditions and customs.

The Mughal Rule:

Aurangazeb, the Mughal emperor, invaded Golconda in A.D.1687 and annexed it to the Mughal empire. When this was done, Golconda became part of the Deccan Subha and a Nazim was appointed as an agent of the Mughal emperor. Thus, for about a period of 35 years it was ruled by Nazims, the last one being Mubariz Khan.

The period between A.D.1687 and A.D.1724 saw several sea changes. Aurangazeb died in A.D.1707. The administrative machinery of the Mughal imperial regime began to crumble and the central authority manned by successive feeble rulers gradually lost control over the provinces. In Deccan, situated far away from the capital, the state of affairs was still worse. This anarchy contributed much in giving a new turn to Indian history. It enabled two foreign mercantile companies to consolidate themselves as political powers capable of subsequently playing decisive roles in shaping the destiny of the nation. They were the East India Company of England and the Compagnie de Inde Orientale of France. These trading companies had their headquarters at Madras and Pondicherry respectively and both had trade centres at Masulipatam. They were waiting for suitable opportunities to expand their areas of control and so, did not hesitate to take sides in the local skirmishes.

MODERN PERIOD:

Asaf Jahis:
The founder of this dynasty was one Mir Kamaruddin, a noble and a courtier of the Mughal Muhammad Shah, who negotiated for a peace treaty with Nadirshah, the Iranian invader; got disgusted with the intrigues that prevailed in Delhi. He was on his way back to the Deccan, where, earlier he was a Subedar. But he had to confront Mubariz Khan, as a result of a plot by the Mughal emperor to kill the former. Mubariz Khan failed in his attempt and he was himself slain. This took place in A.D.1724, and henceforth Mir Kamaruddin, who assumed the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk, conducted himself as an independent prince. Earlier, while he was one of the Ministers of the Mughal emperor Muhammad Shah, the latter conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah. Thus begins the Asaf Jahi rule over Golconda with the capital at Aurangabad. It was only during Nizam II rule that the capital of the Deccan Subha was shifted to Hyderabad reviving its importance.

The Asafjahi Nizams are generally counted as seven, though they were ten. Nasir Jung and Muzaffar Jung, son and grandson of the Nizam I who were killed by the Kurnool and Cuddapah Nawabs and Salabatjung who also ruled for a decade, were not counted by the historians though the Mughal emperors at Delhi recognised them as Subedars of the Deccan.

The Nizams of Asafjahi dynasty who ruled the Deccan are the following:---

(1) Mir Kamaruddin (Nizam-ul-Mulk - Asaf Jah I) (A.D.1724--1748), (2) Nasir Jung (A.D. 1748--1751), (3) Muzaffar Jung (A.D.1750--1751), (4) Salabat Jung (AD.1751--1761), (5) Nizam Ali Khan - Asaf Jah II (A.D.1762--1803), (6) Nizam III Sikandar Jah (A.D.1803--1829), (7) Nizam IV -- Nasir-ud-Daula (A.D.1829--1857), (8) Nizam V -- Afzal-ud-Daula (A.D.1857--1869), (9) Nizam VI -- Mir Mahaboob Ali Khan (A.D.1869--1911), and (10) Nizam VII -- Mir Osman Ali Khan (AD.1911--1948 September).

Though Hyderabad was founded in A.D.1590--91 and built by Muhammad Quli, the fifth king of the Qutbshahi dynasty, it was a princely capital under them. The pomp and peagantry of the fabulous Asafjahi Nizams gained an all-India importance as well as World wide recognition. The rule of the Nizams lasted not only for a much longer period from A.D.1724 to 1948 but also concerned a large territory with diverse language groups that came under their sway.

The authority of the founder of the State of Hyderabad, Asafjah I, extended from Narmada to Trichinapally and from Masulipatam to Bijapur. During the period of Afzal-ud-Daula (A.D.1857--1869) it was estimated to be 95,337 sq.miles (2,46,922.83 sq.kms.), forming a lateral square of more than 450 miles (724.17 kms.) each way.

After Nizam I, Asaf Jah, died in A.D.1748, there was tussle for power among his son, Nasar Jung, and grandson Muzaffar Jung. The English supported Nasar Jung whereas Muzaffar Jung got support from the French. These two heirs were subsequently killed by Nawabs of Kurnool and Cuddapah, one after another, in A.D.1750 and AD.1751 respectively. The third son of Nizam I, Salabat Jung became the ruler as Nizam under the support of the French.

Hostilities recommenced in India between the French and the English in AD.1758 on the outbreak of Seven Years War in Europe in A.D.1756. As a result, the French lost their power in India and consequently it also lost influence at Hyderabad. In A.D.1762 Nizam Ali Khan dislodged Salabat Jung and proclaimed himself as Nizam.

Hyderabad came into focus again when Nizam Ali Khan (Nizam II) in A.D.1763 shifted the capital of the Deccan from Aurangabad to Hyderabad. Such a move helped rapid economic growth and expansion of the city, resulting in its importance and prosperity.

Between A.D.1766 and A.D.1800, Nizam's sovereignty had declined considerably and the British gained their authority over the Nizams by compelling the latter to sign six treaties.

In A.D.1766, the Nizam signed a treaty with the British, whereby in return for the Northern Circars, the British agreed to furnish Nizam Ali Khan with a subsidiary force as and when required and to pay Rs.9 lakhs per annum when the assistance of the troops was not required in lieu of Northern Circars to be ceded to them. In A.D.1768 he signed another treaty conferring the Northern Circars to the British and the payment by the British was reduced to Rs.7 lakhs. According to another treaty, he surrendered the Guntur circar in A.D.1788. In A.D.1779, the Nizam conspired with Hyder Ali of Mysore and the Peshwa of the Marathas to drive away the English. When they learnt about his designs, the English marched against the Nizam who had to sue for peace agreeing to the presence of an English Resident along with army, artillery and cavalry at Hyderabad. Through another treaty, the Nizam was compelled to disassociate himself from Hyder Ali. In A.D.1800 yet another treaty was signed by the Nizam with the British altering the earlier treaties to increase the strength of the English army in Hyderabad. In lieu of the cost of maintenance of the force, the Nizam had to cede to the company an area comprising the districts of Rayalaseema and Bellary (now in Karnataka). With this the Nizam lost not only the territory but also reputation and power.

The East India Company acquired the Nellore region comprising the present Nellore and Prakasam districts and a part of the Chittoor district from the Nawab of Arcot in A.D.1781. Together with the other parts of the territories of the Nawab, this area was merged with the then Madras Presidency of the Company in A.D.1801. Thus, by the beginning of the 19th century, the Telugu land was divided into major divisions: one that came to be popularly called Telangana under the feudal rule of the Nizam, accounting approximately one-third of the entire land and the other, broadly designated as Andhra, in British India.

It was during the period of Nizam III -- Sikandar Jah (A.D.1803--1829), that the English cantonment, raised on the other side of Hussain Sagar, was named after him as Secunderabad. This township grew rapidly as the modern town with Railway station and other commercial establishments. The notable events under the rule (A.D. 1857--1869) of Nizam V, Afzal-ud-Daula, were the construction of the Afzal Gunj Bridge or the Nayapul, over the river Musi and the establishment of a General Hospital.

The modern era of the development of the twin cities began soon after the last flood of the river Musi in A.D.1908 which had shattered the life of the people living in Hyderabad. This necessitated the planned development of the city in a phased manner. Sri M.Vishweshwarayya, the great engineer of Mysore, was specially invited for this purpose and was appointed as adviser to the Nizam's Government to suggest measures for flood control and improvement of the city. As a result of his suggestion, Osman Sagar and Himayat Sagar were constructed in A.D.1917. These two dams not only controlled the floods from river Musi, but also supplied drinking water to the city. These spots have also become recreational centres for many people in Hyderabad. Another step taken for the development of the city was the formation of the City Improvement Board in A.D.1912, which paid greater attention to the construction of roads, markets, housing sites and shopping centres in the city. Nizam VII, Osman Ali Khan, also moved to Kingkothi, the northern suburb of the city in A.D.1914, which helped in the development of its surroundings. Several public utility services were commissioned in A.D.1922. Electricity was commissioned in A.D.1923. In A.D.1928 with the establishment of rail connection to Bangalore, the city was brought on the metre-gauge map of India. By A.D.1932 bus service was started in the city and in A.D.1936 the bus routes radiated from the capital to all the district headquarters. In A.D.1935, the Madras-Karachi Air Service was linked with Hyderabad with Hakimpet as landing ground.

Many buildings of utility like Legislative Assembly, Hyderabad and Secunderabad railway stations, the High Court, City College, the Asafia Library (present State Central Library), the Unani Hospital, the Osmania University, were constructed during the reign of Nizam VII.

If Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah was the founder of Hyderabad City, Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam VII, can be called as the maker of modern Hyderabad, in a variety of ways. The buildings constructed during his reign are impressive and represent a rich variety of architecture, such as the magnificent Osmania University, synthesizing the modern, the medieval and the ancient styles of architecture. The sprawling Osmania General Hospital in the Mughal style, the lofty High Court in Indo-Saracenic style, the stately well-proportioned Legislative Assembly building in Saracenic-Rajasthani style, symbolize his desire to build modern and majestic Hyderabad. The engineers or the architects and craftsmen of the period have to be congratulated for their talent.

A fascinating pretty edifice in the centre of the city is the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly building, with the lawns of the Public Gardens, to form the needed premises.

The noble buildings during the Asafjahis' period were the Chow Mahalla during Nizam V, Pancha Mahal, and the Falaknuma Palace. The Falaknuma, built by Nawab Viquar-ul-Umra, a Paigha Noble in A.D.1892 at a cost of Rs.40 lakhs, has become a land mark like Charminar.

The hereditary Diwans of the Nizams, the Salar Jungs were as colourful and dazzling as their masters. The Mir Alam Tank, the Mir Alam Mandi, the Salar Jung Museum, their Devdi, the Aliya School are inalienable parts of Hyderabad.

Under the Company and the Crown:

It naturally took some years for the East India Company to consolidate and stabilize its rule in the Telugu area, which came under its direct rule. In the initial stages, the Company had to counter strong resistance from the Zamindars in the coastal Andhra and the Palegars in the Rayalaseema districts, that were in existence from the ancient Hindu rulers or the medieval Muslim rulers. The Company decided to use the Zamindari system to its best advantage, entrusting the Zamindars only with collection of land revenue and taking away from them the executive and judicial powers. The Company also introduced the system of `Permanent Settlement' in A.D.1802.

In Rayalaseema, the first Principal Collector, Thomas Munro, of the ceded districts suppressed all the Palegars and established a new mode of collection of land revenue directly from the tiller of the soil in A.D.1808. This system came to be known as `Ryotwari' system.

The administrative measures taken by the Company in the rest of the Telugu land also led to similar changes in the Hyderabad State of which Telangana formed a major constituent. The famine of A.D.1777 and the devastating flood in the succeeding year greatly impoverished the State of Hyderabad and its economy was badly affected. The unwise policies of the rulers led the State on the verge of bankruptcy by neck-deep debts and the Nizam was harassed by Arab and Rohilla bankers. In such situation, the Company, through its Resident, intervened and saved the Nizam. Thus, the Nizam became a dependable friend of the Company and his support to the Company in the crucial period of the War of Independence in A.D.1857 (otherwise called Sepoy Mutiny) turned out to be decisive factor in clinching the issue in favour of the Company's rule in India. In A.D.1858 the British crown took over the reign in the entire India.

Thus, the British, who entered India in the early 17th century as a trading company, gained power as its ruler for over a century and a half.

Freedom Struggle:

The role of the Andhras in the Freedom Struggle is next to that of none and they had always been in the forefront along with the rest of the countrymen. The first War of Independence in A.D.1857 did in no way affect the state of affairs in the south, though ripples were felt in the State of Hyderabad, in the shape of a raid by Rohilla and Arab soldiers against the Residency and a rebellion by the Gonds in the Adilabad district under the leadership of Ramji Gond. However, in A.D.1860, the English suppressed all these rebellions.

The rest of the 19th century passed away without any event of major importance, though occasional rebellions of the peasants here and there brought out their dissatisfaction to the forefront. The introduction of English education helped the formation of a strong educated middle class, which found security of life in the Government jobs. Agriculture became the mainstay of the people, as the cottage industries, especially the cloth industry, dwindled due to the deliberate policy of the Government to encourage British industries and trade at the expense of the indigenous ones. However, construction of dams across the Godavari and the Krishna by A.D.1852 and 1855 respectively, resulted in increasing agricultural production and helped, for a time, to cloud the real issues.

The beginning of the twentieth century saw the emergence of the numerically strong, educated, confident but dissatisfied middle class, seeking equality with the white ruler. The dissatisfaction, as elsewhere, was voiced in the form of pamphleteering. The foreign government, ever vigilant in such things, sought to nip it in the bud and as a consequence of it, repressive measures were introduced. Gadicherla Hari Sarvottama Rao (1883--1960) was the first victim of the move in Andhra. He was sentenced for his seditious article `Cruel Foreign Tiger'. The young men of Andhra had their own share in the `Vande Mataram' and `Home Rule' movements also.

But, along with this agitation, a kind of constructive work was also carried on by some fore-sighted leaders such as Kopalle Hanumantha Rao (1880--1922). Long before Gandhiji thought of the constructive programme, Hanumantha Rao founded his `Andhra Jateeya Kalasala' (National College) in Masulipatam to train young men in techniques of modern production, as he thought that it was the surest way to win independence from an imperialist rule which cared more for its markets than anything else.

In 1920, when Gandhiji started his non-co-operation movement, it had an immediate response in Andhra. Under the leadership of eminent men like Konda Venkatappaiah (1866--1948), Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu (1872--1957), Bulusu Sambamurti (1886--1958) and Bhogaraju Pattabhi Seetaramaiah (1880--1959), the Andhra young men made many a sacrifice for the cause of the Nation. Many practising lawyers gave up their lucrative practice and many a brilliant student gave up their studies to respond to the call of the Nation. In November, 1921, the Congress gave permission to the Provincial Committee to start Civil Disobedience if the conditions laid down by Mahatma Gandhi were fulfilled.

Three episodes during the Civil Disobedience Movement in Andhra attracted the attention of the whole country. The first was the Chirala-Perala episode led by Duggirala Gopalakrishnayya. He served for some time in the Government College at Rajahmundry and the National College at Machilipatam. He was, however, not satisfied with the kind of education that was imparted there. Moreover, after attending the Calcutta Congress in 1920, he was attracted to the programme of Non-co-operation and resolved to dedicate his life to the achievement of Swaraj. For this purpose he trained thousand disciplined band of warriors and gave them the name `Ramadandu'. He put them to test at the All-India Congress Session in Vijayawada to maintain peace and order and the All-India leaders were immensely pleased with the kind of work they did.

Chirala and Perala were two contiguous villages in Prakasam (then part of Guntur) district with a population of 15,000. The Government wanted to combine them into a municipality in 1920. But the people protested against this move because it meant imposition of additional taxes. These protests were not headed to and the municipality was constituted. As a protest against this, all elected councillors resigned. The Government, however, carried on the administration of the municipality with a paid chairman. In January, 1921, the residents refused to pay the municipal taxes. Several of them including a woman were prosecuted, tried and sentenced to imprisonment. This woman was considered to be the first woman in the country to be imprisoned on political grounds. After the All-India Congress session at Vijayawada, Gandhiji came to Chirala. Gopalakrishnayya sought his advice on the future course of action to be taken. Gandhiji suggested two alternatives, (1) to continue the No-Tax Campaign in a non-violent manner and (2) mass exodus of people to the vacant areas beyond the municipal limits. The second would automatically end the municipality. But he made it clear that whatever course they chose the Congress would bear no responsibility and that they must stand on their own legs. Gopalakrishnayya had enough confidence in himself and the people, and in spite of the warning, he persuaded the residents to move to the area outside the municipal limits and raise temporary tenements which he called `Ramanagar'.

It was an unprecedented step in the history of the country. For eleven months people lived there in thatched huts braving the severity of weather. Gopalakrishnayya and his Ramadandu kept up the morale of the people. Their aim was to establish a parallel government and demonstrate to the outside world how Swarajya, as conceived by him, would be like. He constituted an Assembly comprising members elected from each caste and established an arbitration court. Sankirtans and Bhajans kept up the morale of the people. He, however, faced financial difficulties and he went to Berhampore in 1921, when the Andhra Conference was in session to collect some money. There he was prohibited to address the public meetings but he defied the orders. He was arrested and sentenced to one year's imprisonment and sent to Trichinapally. There was no other person who could occupy his place. The Government also took repressive measures against those who built sheds on government lands. People returned to their homes in the municipality at the end of eleven months and reconciled themselves to its constitution. Though the movement failed, the qualities of courage and fearlessness they developed stood them in good stead in the subsequent stages of the freedom movement.

There were similar movements, though not of the same scale or character, in Repalle and Vijayawada municipalities. The Government was not obdurate and yielded to popular pressure and took steps to redress their grievances.

The next episode was the `Forest Satyagraha' of the ryots of Palnad in Guntur district in 1921. The peasants of this place had to pay heavy tax for permission to graze their cattle in forests. When the crops failed that year, they decided to send their cattle into the forests without paying the fee and suffer the penalties. They resorted to social boycott of all government officials and refused supply of even the bare necessaries of life to them. It did not produce the desired change in the attitude of the officials. They took the cattle forcibly, confined them in cattle-pounds and refused to free them unless the fee was paid. There was, therefore, clash between the cattle owners and the armed police that was brought on the scene. In the firing that took place one Kannuganti Hanumanthu was killed. Meanwhile, Gandhiji called off the Non-Co-operation Movement due to some untoward incidents at Chowri Chowra and with this the Palnad Satyagraha also came to an end.

The No-Tax Campaign at Pedanandipadu in Bapatla taluk of Guntur district was the third famous landmark. There was considerable difference of opinion between leaders like Konda Venkatappayya and Mahatma Gandhi with regard to this campaign. Gandhiji wanted to try the experiment first in Bardoli in Gujarat. The local leaders, however, tried to convince him that the conditions laid down for starting such a campaign were fulfilled by the people of this place and they were very keen on starting it. Gandhiji reluctantly gave permission to proceed with it. In January, 1922, when the first instalment of land revenue fell due, a non-payment campaign was started under the leadership of Parvataneni Virayya Chowdari. As a first step the village officers were persuaded to resign so that no land revenue could be collected. The Revenue officials could not collect even five per cent of the demand of land revenue. Repressive measures were resorted to movables, cattle and even lands were attached for non-payment of land tax, but none was present to bid them in the auctions. Military was moved into the area to terrorise them. These did not produce any result. The volunteers worked day in and day out to maintain order and see that no untoward incident took place. Before they proceeded on further action, the movement was called off and the local leaders gave up the No-Tax Campaign, and the taxes were paid.

When the movement was called off, it left the minds of many young men sore and the disappointment took a violent turn in one instance. A rebellion broke out in the agency areas of the Northern Circars under the leadership of Alluri Sitaramaraju (1897--1923). He was a simple and unostentatious young man given to studies of spiritual importance. He was keen on the welfare of the lowly and the innocent. He contributed his mite in the days of the non-co-operation movement and later settled down among the hill tribes of the Visakhapatnam district, spending his time in spiritual practices. The misdeeds of a British contractor, who took pleasure in under-paying the workers drawn from the hill tribes, brought him into a tussle with the police who supported the contractor. This led to encounters between the police and Sitaramaraju, who was supported by the hill tribes under the leadership of the Gamu brothers. Sitaramaraju raided many police stations and carried off guns and powder. The alien Government then made use of all its resources to quell the rebellion. A company of the Assam rifles under the leadership of Saunders was sent there. The campaign lasted nearly for one year from December 1922 and, in the end, many of the followers of Raju, especially the Gamu brothers, were overpowered in an encounter. The rebellion petered off by October 1923. Raju surrendered himself, so it was said, and was shot dead without any trial.

In 1930 when Gandhiji started his salt-campaign, the broad east coast of Andhra became the venue of memorable deeds of many a young man and woman, who in spite of the severe blows of lathis, prepared salt and courted imprisonment. The tremendous awakening, which was an outcome of this movement, resulted in the rout of the parties other than the Congress in the elections of 1937.

The thirties saw the emergence of leftist organisations in Andhra which gave a fillip to the progressive trends. Meanwhile, in 1939, the British Government dragged India into World War II and the Congress ministries resigned.

From 1942, history moved with a quick and vigorous pace. The arrest of the leaders at Bombay on August 9, 1942, provoked the masses. The `Do or Die' message of the National Congress inspired the people of Andhra, who under the leadership of young but devoted workers, brought the functioning of the Government to a stand still for a few days. Many young students and workers faced the bullets cheerfully, to swell the number of those unknown, unwept, and unsung heroes of India who died to make their country live.

Events moved on quickly and, on August 15, 1947, India achieved its Independence. A new Constitution came into force from the 26th of January, 1950, which envisaged the new set-up of Government at the Centre as well as at the States by duly elected representatives from the people on an adult franchise.

The Andhras all along their fight with the British authorities, thought that the exit of the Britishers would facilitate the early formation of the Telugu areas as a separate State. But the Constituent Assembly had to decide otherwise and this proved to be a bitter pill for the Andhras to swallow.

Economic and Social Developments:

The period of British rule in India forms a significant chapter in the history of the ancient land. Many aliens came to this land, conquered some parts of the territory, but were soon absorbed as natural citizens of the country. For the first time, the British (and the other European nationals) who conquered and ruled it for a considerable time remained aliens administering a colonial rule and ultimately had to return. The policy that underlined the various measures the British took in legislative, judicial and executive fields was only to tighten their grip over the country and to exploit it to the advantage of their own motherland

However, the very measures they took had, curiously enough, initiated and promoted many positive factors leading to consolidation of the Indian society and their urge for freedom. The colonial rule, of course, left the country impoverished economically, but it unified the nation, which was rudely shocked and, therefore, prepared itself for a searching introspection. This resulted in ushering in a new order, which almost displaced the old one.

As a constituent of India, Andhra region also received its share of these negative and positive forces. Andhra was noted, for a long time since the period of the Satavahanas, for its cloth industry. In spite of several political upheavals, the ports of Andhra had been busy with incoming and outgoing ships of various countries. Even in the early years of the British rule, Andhra flourished as an exporter of fine varieties of cloth, chintz, palampores, etc. Handicrafts and metal crafts also formed a part of the exports along with cloth. Narsapur, in the present-day West Godavari district, was noted for its ship-building activity and some of the Europeans also were customers at the place. There used to be a great demand for indigo, an agricultural product, available only in Andhra and in a few other parts of the country. The over-all exports were far ahead of imports in value and the region earned a lot of foreign exchange, which enabled it to withstand the severity of famines that ravaged the country often.

But the Industrial Revolution which started in England in the latter half of the 18th century, gradually affected the cottage industries of Andhra as well as those in the rest of India. England then turned out to be a manufacturing country. By the aid of machines, the English factories could manufacture finished articles at a lesser cost than those from the cottage industries. Further, the British being the rulers in the country, discouraged the artists and craftsmen by imposing heavy taxes. As a result of these measures the once flourishing cottage industries and handicrafts of Andhra languished and gradually vanished. The finished articles that came out of the factories in England were imported into Andhra and thus began the economic drain which gradually impoverished the country and enriched Great Britain. The synthetic method of preparation of indigo by the western scientists, affected the farmers very badly. The unemployed poor artisans in the villages became agricultural labourers thus swelling the ranks of those that depended on the land.

A greater harm was caused by the `divide and rule' policy of the British. The communal virus thus injected into the political body of the country had vitiated the relations between the Hindus and the Muslims to such an extent that it forced the Indians to agree for the division of India into two independent states. Though Andhras living in the coastal and Rayalaseema districts managed to keep away from this communal divide, those living in the State of Hyderabad had to undergo a lot of suffering in 1946--48 in the wake of a fanatic struggle carried on by Razakars to carve out the Nizam's dominions as an independent Muslim-dominated State. However, the timely action by the Union Government of Free India saved the situation.

But, as mentioned earlier, some of the measures introduced by the alien rulers to safeguard their own interests proved very beneficial to Indians. The political and administrative unity brought in by the Britishers, helped the various, linguistic groups to come together and take pride in being the citizens of a great country with common cultural traditions. The rail-road, the telegraph, the telephone and the newspaper brought all those living in various corners of this vast country come together and to understand each other. This system of communication also helped the transit of goods from one place to the other and was of immense help during the times of famine.

The Britishers, wanted to keep India as a producer of raw materials and as such harnessed the rivers by constructing dams. The dam on the Godavari at Dowleswaram was constructed in 1852 and the one on the Krishna at Vijayawada in 1855. These naturally helped the farmers of the delta areas, though they could not solve the problem of poverty that tormented the people at large.

It must, however, be conceded that the foreigner's rule had resulted in a renaissance that yielded fruitful results in social and cultural fields. The introduction of English as a medium of teaching in schools is the main factor that contributed to this transformation, though it was mainly intended to train Indians for ministerial jobs. This new system of education, unlike the old traditional one, threw open the gates of the schools to all Indians irrespective of caste or creed. A certificate from such a school served as a passport for a job in the service of the Government. The Christian missionaries from England and America also played a notable part in spreading the system.

The introduction of printing press in the State in or about 1810 helped in bringing knowledge to the door-steps of the ordinary readers. As a result, educational activity in Andhra as well as in the rest of India, was influenced by European literatures, modern sciences and democratic ideas that sprung from the knowledge. This knowledge brought out many revolutionary changes in the religious and cultural fields.

This contact with European thought enabled many Hindu leaders to reinterpret Hinduism to strengthen it to withstand the threat from the proselytisation carried on by the Christian missionaries. The reaction to it resulted in the founding of the Brahma Samaj and the Arya Samaj. At the same time, Europeans such as Anne Besant, captivated by the merits of the ancient Hindu and Buddhist thoughts, founded the Theosophical Society. All these gained some following in Andhra, especially among the educated classes.

Telugu literature also underwent a sea-change under the influence of the English writings. The credit for pioneering such a change goes to Kandukuri Veeresalingam Pantulu. He was also responsible for bringing in many social reforms, the main thrust of which was the upliftment of the women's status.

All these revolutionary changes in social and cultural fields found their expression in the urge for freedom among people.

POST-INDEPENDENCE ERA:

Struggle for Andhra State:

The Andhras were struggling for the formation of a separate Andhra Province since the period of British, but could not succeed. When India attained Independence on the 15th of August, 1947, Andhras hoped that their long-cherished desire would be realised soon. Inspite of several renewed efforts put forth by the Andhra leaders before the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and the Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the desire for a separate Andhra State remained as a dream itself.

The Dar Commission, appointed by the Government of India under the Chairmanship of S.K.Dar did not recommend for the creation of States on the linguistic consideration. This report of the Commission created such an adverse reaction in Andhra that the Congress leaders felt it prudent to assuage the ruffled feelings of the Telugus. An unofficial Committee, consisting of Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel and Pattabhi Sitaramaiah, popularly known as the J.V.P. Committee, was constituted by the Congress. The Committee in its report submitted to the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress in April, 1949 recommended that the creation of linguistic provinces be postponed by few years. However, it suggested that Andhra Province could be formed provided the Andhras gave up their claim to the city of Madras (now Chennai). This report provoked violent reaction in Andhra as the Telugus were not prepared to forego their claims to the city of Madras.

Under the prevailing situation, a Partition Committee was formed under the Chairmanship of Kumaraswami Raja, the then Chief Minister of Madras. Andhra was represented by Tanguturi Prakasam, B.Gopala Reddi, Kala Venkata Rao and N.Sanjiva Reddy. The Partition Committee could not arrive at an agreed settlement. Prakasam disagreed with the views of other members and gave a dissenting note. The Government of India, took advantage of the dissenting note of Prakasam and shelved the issue. To express the resentment of the Andhras, Swami Sitaram (Gollapudi Sitarama Sastry), a Gandhian, undertook a fast unto death, which created an explosive situation in Andhra. However, Swami gave up his 35-day fast on the 20th of September, 1951, on the appeal made by Vinoba Bhave. Nothing came out of this fast except the increasing distrust of the people of Andhra towards their own leaders and the Government of India.

In the First General Elections of 1952, Andhras expressed their resentment towards the Congress leaders by defeating them at the polls. Out of the 140 seats from Andhra in the Madras Legislative Assem7bly, the Congress could secure only 43, while the Communist Party of India bagged as many as 40 seats out of the 60 it contested. In the Madras Legislative Assembly itself, the Congress could secure only 152. The non-Congress members in the legislature, numbering 164 formed themselves into a United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) and elected T.Prakasam as their leader. But the Governor nominated C.Rajagopala Chari to the Legislative Council and invited him to form the ministry.

After Rajagopala Chari became the Chief Minister of the Madras State, he tried to divert the Krishna waters by constructing Krishna-Pennar Project for the development of the Tamil area. The Andhras agitated against this as they feared that the Project spelt ruin to Andhra. The Government of India appointed an expert Committee under the Chairmanship of A.N.Khosla, who pronounced that the project in its present form should not be proceeded with and suggested the construction of a project at Nandikonda (the site of the present Nagarjunasagar Project). The report of the Khosla Committee vindicated the apprehensions of the Andhras regarding the unfriendly attitude of Rajagopala Chari's Government towards the Andhras. The desire of the Andhras to separate themselves from the composite Madras State and form their own State gained further momentum.

At this juncture, Potti Sriramulu, a self-effacing Gandhian, began his fast unto death on the 19th of October, 1952 at Madras. Though the fast created an unprecedented situation throughout Andhra, the Congress leaders and the Government of India did not pay much attention to it. On the 15th of December, 1952, Sriramulu attained martyrdom. The news of Sriramulu's death rocked Andhra into a violent and devastating agitation. The Government of India was taken aback at this popular upsurge. On the 19th December, 1952, Jawaharlal Nehru announced in the Lok Sabha that the Andhra State would be formed with the eleven undisputed Telugu districts, and the three Taluks of the Bellary district, but excluding Madras City.

On the 1st of October, 1953, Andhra State came into existance. It consisted of the districts of Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Nellore, Chittoor, Cuddapah, Anantapur and Kurnool, and the taluks of Rayadurg, Adoni and Alur of the Bellary district. On the question of Bellary taluk, it was included in the Mysore State on the recommendation of L.S.Mishra Commission.

Kurnool became the capital of the new State, under the terms of the Sri Bagh Pact of 1937 between the leaders of the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. T.Prakasam became the first Chief Minister of the Andhra State and C.M.Trivedi was appointed Governor of this new State. With the inauguration of the Andhra State by Nehru, the forty year old dream of the Telugu people to have a separate State of their own was partly fulfilled. They looked forward to the formation of Visalandhra with Hyderabad City as the Capital.

Police Action in Hyderabad State:

Andhras were very much agitated over the developments in the State of Hyderabad during the years 1946--48. The Nizam was very anxious to become independent and he insisted that Hyderabad should be the third dominion. He tried to achieve his ambitious desire with the help of Khasim Razvi of the Ittehadul Muslimeen and its storm-troopers, the Razakars.

Meanwhile, the Hindus of the Hyderabad State who accounted for 93 per cent of its population, launched the `Join India' movement with the cooperation of a few patriotic Muslims for the integration of the State with the rest of the country. The State Congress leaders, led by Swami Ramanand Tirtha, invoked themselves whole-heartedly in the movement. As the State Congress was banned by the Nizam, its leaders conducted their activities from places like Vijayawada and Bombay. The Communists on their part organised village defence squads to protect the villagers from the attacks of the Nizam Police and Razakars.

All negotiations between the Nizam's Dominions and the Indian Union proved abortive. The Nizam Government did not agree to the accession of the Dominions to the Indian Union. The activities of the Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen and the Razakars within the Dominions were posing a threat to peace and harmony. The growing violence of the Razakars seriously jeopardised law and order. The Government of India, tried to make the Nizam see reason and sign the Instrument of Assession with India. After tortuous negotiations, the Nizam finally entered into a `Stand Still Agreement' on November 29, 1947, with India for one year to maintain status quo, which existed between the British and the Nizam before August 15, 1947. This agreement of the Nizam was only to gain time to procure military hardware from different parts of the world and smuggle them into Hyderabad. In the menwhile, the Nizam sent a delegation to the U.N.O. to refer the Hyderabad case to the Security Council.

With the growing violence by the Razakars and the Nizam's attempts to get himself independent, the Government of India decided to curb these tendencies by launching a `Police Action' against the Nizam. On the 13th of September, 1948 `Police Action' on Hyderabad commenced. The Indian Army, led by Major-General J.N.Chaudhuri entered the State from five directions and the military action was a brilliant success. On 18th September, 1949, Nizam's forces surrendered and Mir Laik Ali, the Prime Minister of the Nizam, and Khasim Razvi were arrested. On September, 23, the Nizam withdrew his complaint in the Security Council. The merger of Hyderabad Dominions into the Indian Union was announced. Major-General J.N.Chaudhuri took over as Military Governor of Hyderabad and stayed in that position till the end of 1949. In January 1950, M.K.Vellodi, a Senior Civil Servant, was made the Chief Minister of the State and the Nizam was designated `Raj Pramukh'. After the 1952 General Elections, the first popular ministry headed by B.Rama Krishna Rao took charge of the State.

Emergence of Andhra Pradesh:

The creation of Andhra State in October, 1953 strengthened the general demand for linguistic States. Andhras had also long cherished demand for the formation of Visalandhra, since the people of Hyderabad State were unanimous in their demand for the trifurcation of their State. Andhras hoped that the outlying Telugu areas in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Mysore and Madras be incorporated in the greater Andhra.

The States Reorganisation Commission, with Syed Fazl Ali as the Chairman, set up by the Government of India in December 1953, who heard the views of different organisations and individuals, was though convinced of the advantages of Visalandhra, however, favoured the formation of separate State for Telangana. This report of the S.R.C. led to an intensive lobbying both by the advocates of Telangana and Visalandhra. The Communists reacted sharply and announced that they would resign their seats in the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly and contest elections on the issue. In the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly, a majority of the Legislators supported Visalandhra.

The Congress High Command favoured Visalandhra and prevailed upon the leaders of the Andhra State and Telangana to sort out their differences, who, thereupon, entered into a `Gentlemen's Agreement'. One of the main provisions of the Agreement was the creation of a `Regional Council' for Telangana for its all round development. The enlarged State by merging nine Telugu speaking districts of Adilabad, Nizamabad, Medak, Karimnagar, Warangal, Khammam, Nalgonda, Mahbubnagar and Hyderabad, into Andhra State with its eleven districts of Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Nellore, Chittor, Cuddapah, Anantapur and Kurnool, totalling 20 districts* was named `Andhra Pradesh' with its capital at Hyderabad. It was inaugurated on the 1st of November, 1956 by Jawaharlal Nehru. Neelam Sanjiva Reddy became the first Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, who later rose to the position of the President of India. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, last of the Chief Ministers of Hyderabad State was elevated to the Office of the Governor of Kerala. C.M.Trivedi continued to be the Governor of Andhra Pradesh.

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*Three more districts were added later by the creation of Prakasam in 1970, Ranga Reddy in 1978 and Vizianagaram in 1979. Thus, the State presently has 23 districts.

As stated above, on the formation of Andhra Pradesh on the 1st of November 1956, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy became the first Chief Minister of the new State. Consequent on his becoming the President of the All India Congress Committee, he resigned the post of Chief Minister on 10th June, 1960 and was succeeded by D.Sanjivaiah, a talented young man from the Scheduled Castes. After 1962 General Elections, Sri N.Sanjiva Reddy again became the Chief Minister of the State on 12th March, 1962. But, he relinquished the Chief Ministership in 1964 on moral grounds consequent on the adverse verdict of the Supreme Court in Kurnool Transport Nationalisation case. He was succeeded by Sri Kasu Brahmananda Reddy on 29th February, 1964. He was in the office till 30th September, 1971. His long innings witnessed development of the city as well as the State in many ways. True the Telangana agitation erupted during his time paved way for rectification of defects and implementation of measures to develop Telangana.

Political Crisis of 1969 and 1972:

During the years 1969 and 1972, Andhra Pradesh was rocked by two political agitations popularly known as the `Telangana' and the `Jai Andhra' Movements respectively. Telangana agitation was started by the people of the region when they felt that the Andhra leaders had flouted the Gentlemen's Agreement which facilitated the formation of Andhra Pradesh.

The influx of the people from the coastal region into the city of Hyderabad created many social tensions. Slowly the discontent spread among the Telangana officials and the unemployed youth who felt that they were exploited by the people of the Andhra region. The discontent manifested itself when a student of Khammam went on a hunger-strike in January 1969 demanding the implementation of the safeguards for Telangana provided in the Gentlemen's Agreement. Slowly the agitation spread to Hyderabad and other parts of Telangana. In the beginning, the movement demanded the implementation of the safeguards agreed upon earlier, but later it wanted the separation of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh.

The agitation took a new turn when the Congress legislators from Telangana supported the movement. Dr.Channa Reddy entered the fray and formed the Telangana Praja Samiti to lead the movement. But by November 1969, there was a split in the Praja Samiti when dissident Congress legislators realised that the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was not in favour of separate Telangana. The movement slowly petered out. In September 1971, Brahmananda Reddy, the then Chief Minister, resigned his position to make room for a leader from Telangana to become the Chief Minister. On the 30th of September, 1971, P.V.Narsimha Rao* became the Chief Minister. The Telangana Praja Samiti was dissolved and its members rejoined the Congress.

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*He raised to the position of occupying the Chair of Prime Minister of India during 1991--96.

During 1972, another agitation known as the Jai Andhra Movement was launched in the Andhra region. The agitation was a sequel to the Telangana agitation which demanded that only `Mulkis' should be appointed to the posts in Telangana including the Hyderabad city. The `Mulki' issue had a long history behind it. As early as in 1919, the Nizam of Hyderabad issued a firman laying down that only `Mulkis' are eligible for public appointments in the State. `Mulki' was defined as one who was born in the State of Hyderabad or resided there continuously for fifteen years and had given an affidavit that he abandoned the idea of returning to his native place. Even after the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the Mulki rules continued to be in force in the Telangana region. As these rules stood in the way of the people of the Andhra region to compete for the posts, their validity was challenged in the High Court. A full bench of the High Court by a four-one majority held that the Mulki rules were not valid and operative after the formation of Andhra Pradesh.

But on an appeal by the State Government, the Supreme Court declared on the 3rd of October, 1972 that the Mulki rules were valid and were in force. The judgement created a great political crisis in the State. The people of the Andhra region felt that they were reduced to the status of second class citizens in their own State capital. They felt that the only way to uphold their dignity was by severing their connection with Telangana and started a movement for the separation of Andhra region from Andhra Pradesh.

As the agitation continued, President's rule was imposed in the State on the 10th of January, 1973. Finally, a political settlement was arrived at under the aegis of the Central Government. A `Six-Point Formula' was agreed upon by the leaders of the two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in future. The `Six-Point Formula' included (1) the abolition of Mulki rules and the Telangana Regional Committee and (2) the establishment of a Central University at Hyderabad to augment educational facilities.

On December 10, 1973, President's rule in the State was revoked and a popular ministry with Sri Jalagam Vengala Rao as the Chief Minister was inducted. With this, normalcy returned and the State enjoyed political stability.

In the General Elections held in February 1978 for the A.P.Legislative Assembly, the Congress Party swept the polls and Dr.M.Channa Reddy became the sixth Chief Minister of A.P. on the 6th of March 1978. He announced that separate Telangana was no longer an issue. Owing to some factional squabbles in the party, Dr.Channa Reddy resigned in October 1980 and was succeeded by T.Anjaiah, who remained in office only for one year and four months. In February 1982, he was replaced by Sri Bhavanam Venkataram, who in turn was replaced by Sri K.Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy in September 1982. Thus Andhra Pradesh was administered by four Chief Ministers in four years.

Frequent changes of the Chief Ministers by the Congress High Command created dissatisfaction among the people. Taking advantage of this popular discontent, Sri N.T.Rama Rao, a leading figure of the film world formed a regional party called `Telugu Desam' in January, 1983 and contested the General Elections to the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly held in 1983. His party became victorious and Sri Rama Rao was sworn in as the tenth Chief Minister of the State. But, on the 16th of August 1984, Sri Nadendla Bhaskara Rao, a cabinet colleague of Sri Rama Rao, succeeded in becoming the Chief Minister by engineering the dismissal of Sri Rama Rao by the then Governor. However, Sri Rama Rao was reinstated on the 16th of September 1984 consequent on the severe criticism on the action of Governor. In the elections of March 1985, Sri Rama Rao proved that he continued to enjoy the confidence of people by winning absolute majority in the House.

The Telugu people who were not quite pleased with some of the policies of the Telugu Desam Government, returned Congress in 1989 general elections to the State Legislature with good majority. During the following five years, three Chief Ministers, Dr.M.Channa Reddy, Sri N.Janardhana Reddy and Sri K.Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy held the reins of power. The discontentment of the Telugu public was reflected in pushing the Congress out and handing over the power again to the Telugu Desam Party in 1994. In 1995 N.T.Rama Rao, has been succeeded by Sri N.Chandrababu Naidu, the present Chief Minister of the State of the same party.

The changing fortunes of the political parties at the hustings is, besides other things, a sure indication of the people's awareness of their rights and privileges and their mature judgement of the relative performance of the ruling parties.

A list of Chief Ministers and Governors of the State with their period of stay in the office from the formation of the State in 1956 till February, 1999 is given below:--

CHIEF MINISTERS

GOVERNORS